Defining our Terms
With modern Arminianism aside, it would not be proper for
Arminius to be characterized as a semi-Pelagian. What pelagian teaching did he
maintain that was not already held prior to Pelagius and his disciple
Celestius? However, Arminius continually defended himself against the charge of
Pelagianism. (It is possible that followers of Arminius in the Remonstrant
movement did adhere to true Pelagian concepts and therefore could be properly
referred to as semi-Pelagian.) This would be a charge against some later
Arminians as opposed to a critique of Arminius himself.
Augustine is one bishop among many in the Catholic Church.
His positions on depravity, efficacious grace, and an absolute, particular
predestination to life, have never been made dogmatic teaching, though
predestination to life and efficacious grace are allowed as theological
traditions in tension with established dogma.
The term semi-Pelagian is non-specific and connotes heresy.
It is an unfortunate historical term and causes much confusion. To claim a
position to be “semi-Pelagian” on the mere basis that it does not subscribe to
all of Augustine’s positions can be misleading. What is often referred to as
semi-Pelagianism could better be described as pre-Augustinianism in the context
of semi-Augustinianism, or even pre-Pelagian for that matter. If one maintains
the position that predestination is based on foreknowledge then it would be
better to refer to them as pre-Augustinian. The fact that Pelagius as well as
so-called semi-Pelagians maintained predestination on the basis of
foreknowledge is only in continuity with ancient Christian tradition and was
not a “heresy” which had originated from Pelagius.
Augustine and the Massilians
John Cassian, a disciple of Chrysostom, and the one whom had
founded and presided over a monastery in Massilia, along with the monks and
theologians of the community, protested against Augustine’s doctrine of
Predestination. Since Cassian did not hold to the doctrine of Predestination he
taught that the first movements of man towards God was unaided but still
maintained the necessity of grace. (It is also stated that he did not hold any
view which corresponded to Pelagius and so the term semi-pelagian contributed
to him is misleading (Cross). Therefore he could be referred to as a
semi-Pelagian on the basis that he maintained a doctrine of Pelagius, although
modified. However, Cassian rejects the propositions of Pelagius. Therefore, it
would be better to label him as a semi-Augustinian (Quasten 522).
Seven years after Augustine wrote his On Grace and Free Will, and On
Rebuke and Grace, which was in 427AD, and four years after Augustine’s
death, which was in 430AD, Vincent of Lerin, a member of the Massilian
monastery, wrote his famous Commonitory
for the Antiquity and Universality of the Catholic Faith. Although
Augustine is not mentioned by name his work was designed to address the
novelties of Augustine’s theology which were contrary to what was being
“believed everywhere, always, and by all”. Augustine’s final two works On the Predestination of the Saints and On the Gift of Perseverance were written
against the Massilians. The opponents of Augustine stated that grace is
general, Christ died for all, and predestination is based on foreknowledge, all
of which is consistent with early Christian teaching (Heick, 208). St. Prosper
of Aquitaine championed the teachings of Augustine further against the dominate
“semi-pelagian” teaching of Gaul (Cross 1258).
The Aftermath
Debates continued well into the 490’s when Pope Gelasuis
decreed the sanctioning of the writings of Augustine and his disciple Prosper
as well as placing the writings of Cassian and Faustus among the forbidden
books (Schaff, 866). This move appears to be an attempt to limit the effects of
the debate. The councils of Carthage in 418AD, Ephesus in 431AD, and Orange II
in 529AD all condemned various elements which were taught by Pelagius and
perpetuated by his followers, as well as the semi-pelagian position. These
followers of Pelagius were not pre-Augustinian in that they still maintained
some of the novelties of Pelagius himself which have no substantiation in
Christian tradition. The second council of Orange maintained a moderate
Augustinianism.
It is important to note that the council specifically
rejected predestination to perdition. This would mean a positive and active
reprobation, a decree of which is equal to predestination to life. Augustine
did not teach a double predestination of this kind but rather maintained that
the reprobate are simply passed over, a passive reprobation. In fact, beyond
this rejection in the council, there are no other statements about
predestination. This council did teach the inability of man without grace and
maintained the doctrine of prevenient grace, a grace that leads to
justification but is not the grace of justification. Prevenient grace was
taught by Augustine, later by Aquinas, and defined by the Council of Trent
(Cross 1121). The council of Orange was approved by Pope Boniface II (530-532)
and the followers of Augustine, such as Prosper, Fulgentius, Caesarius, and
Maxentius were all in harmony with the See of Rome (Walker 189, Heick 212).
The Catholic Church today is in harmony with the Council of
Orange as well as Augustine’s view of justification which he taught as a
gradual process of actually being made righteous, the fullness of which is not
completed here on earth (Quasten 436). Additionally, the Catholic Church
continues to maintain Augustine’s view of the Church’s role in salvation,
sacramentalism, and the relation between grace and nature (It was the
philosophical shift from Realism to Nominalism during the medieval age which
created the tension in this teaching). Interestingly enough, it was Pelagius
who taught that one is merely declared righteous in the Protestant sense
(Schaff 812). If anything, the council of Orange is against the extreme
elements in Augustine which are held by Calvinists, and the Protestant doctrine
of justification is closer to Pelagius than to Augustine (Schaff 812).
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